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INFUSING CULTURE INTO PARENTING ISSUES:

A SUPPLEMENT FOR PSYCHOLOGY INSTRUCTORS

VICKI RITTS, PH.D.

EXTENDED TIME PROJECT (SUMMER 1998)

Parenting Part I

Culture and Development

Development always occurs in a cultural context. Culture plays a large role in shaping the beliefs and the behaviors of parents. Thus, parental behaviors and beliefs, as any behaviors and beliefs, needs to be considered in a socio-cultural context.           

Robert LeVine (1974) stated that families in all societies have three basic goals for their children. The first goal is the survival goal which promotes the physical survival and health of the child. Second,  the economic goal is to foster skills and behavioral capacities that the child needs for economic self-maintenance as an adult. The final goal is self-actualization in order to foster behavioral capabilities for maximizing cultural values (e.g., morality, religion, achievement). These goals can result in different types of behaviors depending on the culture. For example in all cultures with high infant mortality rates, mothers keep constant vigilance and contact with their infants 24 hours a day. This can include carrying them and co-sleeping with them. These practices increase the infants chance for survival. Thus, while the basic goals that parents have for their children are similar, culture can produce differences and variations in the behavior and beliefs of parents.

The explanations of cultural differences is an essential area of investigation. Several different theories have been proposed about cultural differences in parenting. LeVine (1974) proposed that the differences in parenting patterns evolved in response to environmental risks threatening the child’s survival and self-maintenance. Kohn (1969) proposed that occupational roles affect an adult’s attitudes and values and influences the parental role. According to Kohn (1969) in countries where the father has a blue-collar occupation, the parents stress conformity to the rules in their child rearing. Professional and managerial occupations lead parents to encourage initiative and independence. The parents value these traits because in managerial and professional occupations initiative and independence are believed to “pay off” and in blue-collar jobs playing by the rules is believed to lead to a “pay off”.  Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) systems approach to development divides the child’s environment into a variety of contexts or systems. The macrosystem (culture) is a framework of beliefs that effects the development of individuals.

Super and Harkness (1982; 1986) present a framework of development that is somewhat similar to Bronfenbrenner’s systems approach. They view cross cultural differences in parenting as a result of adult beliefs about the nature of children and about the world in general. Their view is referred to as the “developmental niche”.

The developmental niche (Super & Harkness, 1982; 1986) is a framework generated to assist in the integration of concepts and findings from multiple disciplines concerned with human development in the cultural context. Two main ideas provide the major impetus for the developmental niche. First, different parts of a culture work together as a system. For example, the ways that children are raised tend to follow certain aspects of the economic means of production for a society (e.g., agriculturally based societies have many household chores that children engage in and learn responsibility and obedience at an early age). The second idea is that parents and children in all times and places face some of the same challenges, needs, and seek some of the same rewards and pleasures. 

At the center of the developmental niche is a child with the characteristics of sex, age, temperament, and other psychological dispositions. Three major aspects of a child’s culture shape his or her life and create the three integrated subsystems of the niche. First, the physical and social settings of everyday life play a role in shaping the child’s life. Customs of child care and child rearing are the second component of the developmental niche (e.g.,sleeping arrangements). At the group level the customs can be seen as adaptations to the larger environment. At the individual level, however, they are regarded as the “reasonable” or “natural” thing to do. The final component of the niche is the psychology of the caretaker. Parents’ cultural belief systems (i.e. ethnotheories)  and emotions underlie the customs of child rearing and validate the organization of physical and social settings of life for children. For example, the most important ethnotheories revolve around the beliefs concerning the nature and needs of children, parental and community goals for child rearing, and caretaker beliefs about effective parenting practices. These three components influence each other and cannot be examined in complete isolation.

In sum, there are many theories that assert that culture plays a role in development. It should be noted, however, that while all the theories have something to offer the study of cross-cultural differences, these differences are multi-determined. Many variables contribute to differences and variations in all cultures including: economics, education level, dual income, family structure, urban or rural residencies, and religious beliefs.       

While it is important to formulate the theoretical context of the effects of culture, it is also important to document cultural diversities and variations. Documentation of diverse culturally structured environments is important from several perspectives. From the anthropological perspective it provides insight into larger patterns of cultural organization. From a psychological view it provides the basis for reconsideration of developmental theories that assume that a middle class western way of life is the norm (Whiting & Edwards, 1988).

Brief Overview of the Supplement

Psychology text books discuss parenting issues such as parenting styles, attachment, separation anxiety, father involvement, and socialization from a Western perspective. The purpose of this supplement is to provide instructors with information about parenting issues from a variety of cultural perspectives. The cultures included are: China, Japan, Korea, India, Mexico, Puerto Rico, Germany, Efe, Israel, Arab, and Native American.

It should be noted that the supplement is a report of cultural variation, not a discussion of ethnic groups who have immigrated to the U.S. (e.g., Mexican-American, Asian-American) and are now second-generation. While assimilation and acculturation are very important issues, they are not the focus of this supplement. It should also be mentioned that in all cultures, including the United States, there is variations within cultures. The literature, however, allows some generalizations to be made.

CHINA

Brief Overview of Chinese Culture

Chinese values are based on Confucian principles. Confucianism is an ethic for governing human relationships. In part, the Confucian beliefs emphasize the value of interdependence and suggest that infants arrive from the gods with an inherent nature that is to be respected. Five Cardinal Relationships govern human relationships in Confucianism. These include the relationship between father and son, minister and ruler, husband and wife, elder and younger brothers, and friends (Ho, 1987; Stevenson, Chen, & Lee, 1992).    

In traditional Chinese culture, the relationship between father and son was one of the most prized and valued relationships. Thus, male infants were, and still are, more valued than female infants. This value lies, in part, in the belief that the male children will become caretakers of their parents (Chao, 1993; King & Bond, 1985).      

The roles of males and females have also been sharply defined since ancient times. Men and women occupied different positions within the social structure. Even in contemporary China one can still witness the practice of referring to one’s husband as the waizi (“exterior one” and referring to one’s wife as the neizi (“interior one”) (Ho, 1987).        

The Chinese family has been undergoing transformations since the turn of the present century. The Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) resulted in a tremendous amount of change for modern China. The increasing urbanization of the population accompanied by advances in prosperity provided an increasing trend toward a consumer economy which has also resulted in changes in China (Ho, 1987; Stevenson, Chen, & Lee, 1992).        

It should also be noted that the majority of Chinese people live in rural areas. The majority of research, however, has been conducted on urban Chinese.

Parenting Practices

Chinese parenting practices are still significantly impacted by Confucian principles about family and relationships. Parental control, obedience, strict discipline, filial piety, respect for elders, reverence for tradition, and maintaining harmony are all attributed to the influence of Confucianism. Furthermore, Confucian principles require that the elders must responsibly teach, discipline, and govern their children. These values today are visible in the Chinese emphasis on family interdependence (Chao, 1993; 1994; King & Bond, 1985).

The Chinese conceptualize childhood as two distinct periods called the “age of innocence” and the “age of understanding”. During the “age of innocence” Chinese parents believe that children lack cognitive competence and are not capable of learning very much. It is when children reach  the “age of understanding”  at approximately 5-6 years of age, that they are capable of learning. Thus, Chinese parents tend to be highly lenient and  indulgent toward infants and very young children during the “age of innocence”. At this time parents refrain from imposing discipline on them and are often described as indulgent. Much stricter discipline is introduced abruptly after the children reach the “age of understanding” (Stevenson, Chen, & Lee, 1992).          

By Western standards and measures, Chinese parents are often characterized as authoritarian. This is often considered to be a very ethnocentric view. For the Chinese parental obedience and some aspects of strictness are equated with parental concern, caring, or involvement. The control is not used for domination. The organized control that parents use is for the purpose of keeping family harmony. According to Chao (1993) the Chinese and other Asians (e.g., Japan, Korea) parenting styles are steeped in Confucian tradition and  may best be described as the concept of “training”.        

“Training” or chiao shun, is a Chinese term containing the ideal of teaching or educating children in appropriate or expected behaviors or morals. Chiao shun involves training the child to be self-disciplined, hard working, and engage in expected behaviors. In the child’s early years, the mother creates an extremely nurturing environment for the child by attending to every need of the child. In practice, parenting provides the form of an exceptionally supportive environment for the child.  Specifically, Chinese mothers in comparison to European-American mothers, endorse a high level of maternal involvement for promoting success in the child, are typically the sole or central caretaker of the child, and have the child physically close to them often engaging in co-sleeping (Chao, 1993; 1994). After the child reaches the “age of understanding” one of the expected behaviors that the child is to be “trained” in is to perform well academically (Chao, 1994).         

Another way to describe “training” is the concept of guan or “to govern”. Guan has a positive connotation in China denoting “ to care for”, “to love”, and “to govern”. Parents are governed as much by the child’s needs as the child is under the control of the parents. This type of parenting is associated with high levels of academic achievement among Asians (Chao, 1993; 1994; Chiu, 1987; Ho & Kang, 1984; Lin & Fu, 1990).    

Training does emphasize obedience and a set standard of conduct, just as Baumrind has described for the authoritarian parenting style. This may explain why Chinese  score high on the authoritarian parenting style. In reality, the Chinese type of parenting actually comes closer to the authoritative style practiced by some American parents.

Interestingly, for European-Americans the term “training” has a negative connotation symbolizing a “strict” or “militaristic” view. For the Chinese, this term is interpreted to mean “teaching” and is regarded as very positive (Chao, 1993).

Children are also taught the concept of hsiao which is piety and an obligation to parents. Thus, with terms like “training”, “governing”, and “obligations” the parenting style may appear authoritarian by Western standards, it is perceived differently in Chinese culture (Chao, 1994; Chiu, 1987; Lin & Fu, 1990).

There is also a difference in how Chinese parents and their offspring view parenting. Parents often perceive their controlling behavior as positive and for the good of the child. On the other hand, adolescents often think otherwise. This difference in perception is often a source of parent-adolescent conflict (Lau et al., 1990). Furthermore, Chinese adolescents often perceive their fathers less positively and more strict that they perceive their mothers. Daughters also perceive their fathers as less controlling than the sons perceive their fathers (Berndt et al., 1993).

Through the parenting process, Chinese families, with their close family ties, foster interdependence instead of emotional autonomy. Children are discouraged from expressing their emotions and a great deal of emphasis is place on the achievement of their children (Atwater, 1996; Ho, 1986).

Later conflicts of parents and adolescents are about autonomy (Yau & Smetana, 1996). Thus, conflicts about autonomy seem to cut cross-culture. Conflicts about autonomy develop as part of the search for the self. Overall, Chinese report fewer parent-child conflicts than Americans. They do, however, have more frequent conflicts over academic issues such as homework and achievement (Yau & Smetana, 1996).

Father Involvement

Today there is scattered research on the role of the father in China. The traditional definition of fatherhood was primarily a Confucian definition. The father was the official head of the household. The paternal role was one of disciplinarian and mothers were responsible for child care. These traditional roles are expressed in the Chinese proverb “strict father, kind mother”. This role of disciplinarian was exercised after the child reached the “age of understanding”. Fathers typically were not involved  in the care of their infants (Ho, 1989; Ho & Kang, 1984; Jankowiak, 1992; Lin & Fu, 1990).

In modern China the role of the father is slightly changing. Today, while the father is still the major disciplinarian, there is a decline in absolutistic paternal authority. Mothers are now more involved in disciplining children than they were in the past. Fathers are also slightly more involved in infant care than they were in the past. These changes have resulted, in part, because of  an increase in the numbers of women who are working outside of the home (Ho, 1989; Ho & Kang, 1984; Jankowiak, 1992; Lin & Fu, 1990).

Summary

Today, while still rooted in tradition child rearing practices are changing slightly, especially among the intelligentsia, better-educated, and individuals residing in urban areas of China. The “age of understanding” is believed to occur slightly earlier than 5-6 years, suggesting that younger parents are more aware of a child’s early learning potential and their potential for self-control. Thus, discipline is being introduced at a slightly earlier age than before. Parents also share the discipline more than they did in the past and modern fathers are more involved in child rearing.
 

JAPAN

Brief Overview of Japanese Culture        

Japan is a country steeped in tradition. The Japanese tradition and values originated in ancient Chinese Confucianism. Confucian ethics emphasized the individual’s connectedness with the natural world and other people. A basic Japanese value, compatible with Confucianism, emphasized harmonious human relationships. Japanese culture today still encourages harmony, mild, and “sweet” interactions between people. The Japanese world view, also based on Confucianism, emphasizes interdependence (Fogel, Stevenson, & Messinger, 1992; Kojima, 1986; Takahashi, 1986).   

Traditional Japanese culture was also structured around strict gender roles. For example, females were expected to become obedient and gentle, be clean, and be industrious in “women’s tasks” (e.g., child care). The traditional male role was to be stern, distant, and responsible for external tasks (e.g., financial)  (Kojima, 1986).       

While traditions and early influences remain, Japan  has undergone numerous major changes, particularly since the 1960s. Since the 1960s Japan has experienced rapid economic development, inflation, overpopulation in urban areas, a decrease in the number of children per family, an increase in women working outside the home, and a decline in extended family dwellings. Obviously, these changes have and will continue to impact the Japanese family (Otaki, et al. 1986).     

Finally two points should be noted about Japan. First, Japan is the only major industrialized country that is not of Western cultural background. Second, the majority of research has been conducted on Urban Japanese (Otaki, et al. 1986).

 Parenting Practices

Japanese parenting practices are significantly impacted by tradition. Historically, children were viewed as innately good. In Japanese culture Shinto beliefs traditionally regarded children under 7 as “belonging to the gods”. In order to keep the gods happy children were indulged and treated with leniency so that they did not decide to return to the gods (Kojimo, 1986). Initial religious based beliefs have diminished, but the pampering continued. Thus, in early childhood children are treated gently and somewhat permissively. Japanese toddlers, however, are encouraged to be sensitive and responsive to the needs of others and to conform to social expectations (Fogel, Stevenson, & Messinger, 1992; Takahashi, 1986). Interestingly, in Japanese culture, negative, demanding, and aggressive behavior is considered normal in preschooler and Japanese mothers tend to respond with tolerance and understanding (Bradshaw, Usui, Miyake, Campos, & Campos, 1991). In fact, U.S. mothers were more likely than Japanese mothers to see aggressiveness and disruptive behavior as undesirable attributes in their children. Japanese mothers tended to see lack of social cooperativeness and understanding as undesirable attributes (Olson, Kashiwagi, & Crystal, 2001).  

In Japanese culture the child is considered an extension of the mother and in turn, the mother seeks to consolidate and strengthen a mutual dependence with the child. Thus, a close bond is formed. The mother-child relationship in Japan is often characterized as one of  interdependence or amae (Doi, 1973). The fostering of amae is evidenced in practices such as co-sleeping, co-bathing, and always the child being in close proximity to the mother. Thus, the Japanese value of interdependence is reflected in an infancy that, compared to infancy in the United States, includes more exclusive maternal care (Barratt, Negayama, & Minami, 1993).        

Japanese methods of child-rearing also strive to remove any kind of stress that the child might encounter. This is contrary to American culture where learning to cope with stress is viewed as part of healthy development. Protecting the infant from stress results in child-rearing practices that also foster interdependence such as close proximity between mother and child, co-sleeping, and co-bathing (Takahasi, 1990).  

Japanese mothers also value a quiet infant. Once again, some of the parenting practices that foster interdependence also reinforce the value of quietness in infants (Takahasi, 1990). As children get older, mothers train them “not to stand out” (Fogel, Stevenson, & Messinger, 1992)       
As the child reaches the “age of understanding” around 5 or 6 years, expectations change and the child is discipline becomes stricter. Chao (1994) describes this type of parenting style with its emphasis on Confucian beliefs as chiao shun or “training” and guan or “governing. (See the China section of this supplement for a discussion of these terms).  

Because of the demands of fathers’ jobs, mothers in Japan are often responsible for disciplining the children. Mothers rarely display overt expressions of anger, but place emphasis on the consequences of the children’s actions on another person as a reason for self-restraint (DeVos & Suarez-Orozco, 1986; Zahn-Waxler, Friedman, Cole, Mizuta, & Hiruma, 1996). Discipline rarely involves physical punishment, but allows the child to self-regulate their behavior out of their desire to conform (Fogel, Stevenson, & Messinger, 1992). In extreme cases, however, Japanese children are disciplined with the threat of withdrawal of parental love (Azuma, 1986). Japanese children view  discipline as a sign that their parents care about them and they are upset if their parents do not maintain disciplinary standards (Brislin, 1993). Even though most discipline is maternal, Japanese children expect their fathers to be authoritarian and believe that they are, in fact, authoritarian (Ishii-Kuntz, 1993).          

Gender is also an issue in parenting. Japanese parents tend to be more protective of their daughters than their sons from birth to the adult years. In fact, to many Japanese fathers their daughter’s wedding day is the saddest time of their lives because they feel that their daughters have been “taken away” from them. Sons, on the other hand, are traditionally more likely to form extended family households (Ishii-Kuntz, 1994). Girls are often socialized to be modest, warm and cooperative while boys are socialized to be active and competitive in educational and occupational pursuits (Kashiwagi, 1986).        

It should be noted that in addition to traditional values, the cultural influences of the physical environment may effect parenting practices. The smaller number of rooms in Japanese homes may keep Japanese mothers and their infants in more continuous contact than mothers and infants in the United States (Chen & Miyake, 1986).

Father Involvement   

Postwar Japanese families are often referred to as “fatherless” (Doi, 1973). Simply put, Japanese fathers are not very involved with their children. In fact, Japanese fathers are less involved with their children than fathers with similar levels of education in the United States. Long work hours and lengthy commutes keep them away from home for long hours each day. As a consequence of this, they are less available to share in the daily of their infants and rarely assume responsibility for infants when their wives went out  (Barratt, Negayama, & Minami, 1993; Shwalb, Imaizumi, & Nakazawa, 1987). Role perfection in Japan demands that fathers concentrate on work and concentrate mothers on child rearing. Furthermore, Japanese mothers place an extremely high value on their role as mothers which may result in decreased involvement from fathers  (Barrratt, Negayama, & Minami, 1996).     

Even though Japanese fathers are not very involved with their children, they may overindulge them when they are home. This is possibly to have a sense of involvement with them (Shwalb, Imaizumi, & Nakazawa, 1987). Furthermore, while Japanese fathers are not involved in infant care they may often become slightly more involved as their children get a little older (Barrratt, Negayama, & Minami, 1996). There is also a gender difference with regard to attention of the fathers. Japanese fathers spend more time with their school-aged daughters than their school-aged sons (Ishii-Kuntz, 1994). This is believed to be because sons are traditionally more likely to form extended family households with their parents while daughters become “part” of their husband’s family (Ishii-Kuntz, 1994).

Despite their longs work hours, Japanese children report that their fathers are dependable and the “center of the family”. Thus, the father has a strong psychological presence and referring to the family as “fatherless” appears to be a socially constructed myth. It is also thought that Japanese mothers play an important role in transmitting the message about the importance of the father (Ishii-Kuntz, 1992).

Younger Japanese fathers tend to more family oriented and their commitment to their own families appears to be on the rise slightly. The Japanese government has also pledged an increase interest in fathers and have set up some education programs in certain cities that stress the importance of fathers participation (Ishii-Kuntz, 1992).

Attachment

Attachment is typically defined as the emotional bond between a care giver and a child. Mary Ainsworth and her colleagues  (1978) delineated three different styles of attachment: secure, avoidant, and resistant. Main and Solomon (1990) added a fourth type of attachment referred to as disorganized/disoriented. A major assumption about attachment in the United States is that secure attachment is the ideal mode of attachment. Various cultures, however, have different perspectives of “ideal” attachment.          

The methodology for examining attachment is the Strange Situation procedure. Many experts agree that culturally derived values influence the meanings of the Strange Situation (Takahashi, 1990). Thus, ideas about attachment, the quality of attachment, and the processes for measuring and labeling  attachment are qualitative judgments reflecting ethnocentric ideas.        

Finally, it is important to note that similar behaviors in the Strange Situation may have different meanings in different cultures. For example, while Westerns may interpret anxious/resistant behavior as “clingy”, Japanese parents may interpret that same behavior as “bonded” (Gardiner, Mutter, & Kosmitzki, 1998).

Separation and stranger anxieties, which are characteristic of resistant attachments, are more common in Japan than in Western cultures. In Japan care givers rarely leave infants with substitute care givers and Japanese mothers spend much of their time talking to and touching their infants (Miyake, Chen, & Campos, 1985). These parental behaviors, in turn, may result in Japanese infants being more stressed and in being less prepared to cope with a stranger or being alone in the Strange Situation procedure (Chen & Miyake, 1986). In fact, if a child is rarely separated from the mother there is not an opportunity to develop confidence that the mother will return from a separation (Conroy, Hess, Azuma, & Kashiwagi, 1980).       

Sleeping arrangements also influence patterns of attachment and reflect cultural beliefs about the infants social development. While co-sleeping either in the same bed or in the same room is not common in Western society, there are several cultures including Japan that do use these types of arrangements. Many Western parents believe that co-sleeping interferes with their efforts to train their children to become self-reliant and independent. On the other hand, Japanese parents believe that co-sleeping arrangements fosters the baby’s social awareness and helps develop interdependence with others (Morelli, Rogoff, Oppenheim, & Goldsmith, 1992).

It should be noted that in nontraditional Japanese families where the mother may work outside of the home, attachment patterns are similar to those in the United States (Durrett, Otaki, & Richards, 1984).

Summary

Even though Japan has undergone numerous changes, Japanese child rearing practices are still rooted in tradition. The mother-child bond in Japan is extremely close. The Japanese value interdependence and engage in parenting practices to foster this interdependence. These practices include the child and the mother being in close proximity and co-sleeping. The child is often indulged until age 5 or 6 and then discipline becomes stricter. Work demands and long commutes for the Japanese father often results in long absences. Thus, the mother is the primary care giver, including disciplinarian.

KOREA

 Brief Overview of Korean Culture

Korean values are based on Confucian principles. The main characteristic of Confucianism deals with human relationships. The father-son relationship was the most important relationship in the Korean family. The son provided the link between ancestors and descendants. The first son was regarded as the person who would become the head of the family. Thus, male infants were, and still are, more valued than female infants (Yi, 1993).

In traditional Korean society roles for males and females were sharply defined. According to the Record of Rituals, a Chinese Confucianism classic, males were viewed as stern disciplinarians who were responsible for exterior behaviors (e.g., decision making, economics, education of their sons). Females were seen as nurturant and responsible for interior behaviors (e.g., care giving, teaching a daughter to become a good wife, household duties) (Yi, 1993).

Today Korea has experienced various societal changes. Since the 1960s Korea has been transformed from an agrarian to an  industrialized urban society. These changes have influenced the traditional value system and in turn, influenced the family. In modern Korea the traditional concept of male superiority is still prevalent even though women’s social position has slightly improved and their participation in social life has increased. Sons are still preferred over daughters, but not quite as much as they were in the past. Thus, the value for son preference has been slowly changing (Park & Cho, 1995).

Parenting Practices        

In modern Korea the family is still of cardinal importance. The individual in Korea is viewed as a fractional part of a more significant whole--the family. All family members are responsible for protecting and promoting the family’s welfare. Parents fulfill this obligation by participating in any decision effecting either the family or individual family members. Children, even when they become adults, often defer to the wisdom of their parents (Rohner & Pettengill, 1985).       

As with the Chinese, parenting practices have a Confucian emphasis (Chao, 1994). Thus, concepts of chiao shun and guan apply to this type of parenting (see China in this supplement for a more in-depth discussion of these topics).      

Mothers are the primary care givers of children. Today more mothers work outside the home and child care often becomes the responsibility of the grandmother (Yi, 1993). Despite these changes, the mother-child-relationship is still described as incredibly close where the mother is  “merged” with her child.      

In traditional Korean society, a child was expected to be obedient and respectful toward parents and grandparents. With the emphasis on obedience traditional discipline was harsh by Western standards. For example the child who violated family rules or misbehaved were flogged. Before getting flogged, the child had to find a “rod”. While the rod was being prepared, the adult gave the child the reason for the flogging (Yi, 1993).

Today there is still emphasis on obedience but discipline is not as harsh as in the past. Discipline is still strict by Western standards, but the “rod” is only one method of punishment (Yi, 1993). Traditionally fathers were the disciplinarians. In modern Korea, however, both mothers and fathers discipline the children. Parents use direct instruction, reprimands, and coercion to enforce conformity. Mothers also are reported to teach self-reliance and independence (Rodd, 1996). While mothers are perceived as strong disciplinarians (Honig & Chung, 1989), they are still regarded as supportive (Yi, 1993). In fact, Korean children and adolescents believe that strict discipline is a sign that parents care a great deal about them (Brislin, 1993).   

Today with the influence of the west,  there is often a dual family orientation (modified familism from the traditional society and individualism from westernization). This dual orientation has increased the variability in child rearing practices. Thus, while the family is still of crucial importance, parents encourage and support autonomy and independence in their children more than in the past (Yi, 1993).

Father Involvement

Korean mothers are more intimate with their children than Korean fathers. Fathers typically view their paternal role as strict and are often emotionally distant from their children. (Rohner & Pettengill, 1985). While traditionally fathers were the primary disciplinarians, today they tend to share discipline practices with mothers (Yi, 1993). There is evidence that fathers have relinquished some of the power in making decisions to mothers (Park & Cho, 1995).

Summary       

With industrialization and westernization there have been changes in Korean society. The family, however, is still very important. Sons are still preferable, but parents also value the birth of a daughter. While mothers may work outside, they are still the primary care givers. Grandmothers also assume responsible for child care. Fathers are still fairly uninvolved in the daily care of children.

INDIA

Brief Overview of Indian Culture                       

India is one of the most populated nations of the world. It is predominantly Hindu with large minorities of Sikhs and Muslims. Like most developing countries, it is primarily rural and more than half of the country lives below the poverty line. India, like other cultures, has wide variability with some rural areas being extremely traditional and other urban areas becoming more progressive.       

India is an old civilization with great reverence for religious and cultural traditions. Today India is still a patriarchy where both age and gender play a role in the social structure. Elders, especially elder males, have more importance than younger people. Male children are valued more than female children. This is especially true in North India. Traditionally, sons are seen as a source of economic security as the parents age. On the other hand, daughters are sometimes viewed as a financial burden and often require the parents to face difficulties in arranging marriages for them. Married daughters are viewed as belonging to their husbands’ household. A woman’s status is largely dependent on her husband’s position within the family. Daughters are expected to display pativrata, complete loyalty to her husband when they marry. Finally, the supervision of daughter-in-laws is delegated to their mother-in-laws. Thus, older women come under the authority of men, but younger women come under the authority of both men and older women (Roopnarine et al. 1990; Roopnarine, Lu, & Ahmeduzzaman, 1989; Seymour, 1976; Sharon, 1990).

Today, while there is wide variation in the Indian family, it is still very important in India and extended families are normative. Even when families adopt a nuclear family life-style in large urban areas, they maintain strong ties to relatives and a strong sense of family loyalty. Thus, India is classified as a collective society where interdependence is valued (Triandis, 1994). Despite  the importance of the family, research on parent-child interactions in India is sparse. Most of the research on Indian childhood has focused on malnutrition, infanticide, and child welfare programs (Roopnarine et al., 1990).

Parenting Practices      

The socialization of Indian children is strongly rooted in patriarchy, hierarchial kinship structure, and Hindu religious beliefs. Obedience to authority, passivity, and interdependence are highly valued. Childhood is viewed as a sensitive time period where children are moldable. Thus, the environment, especially the parents, are believed to play an important role in child development. In this environment mothers are typically kind, indulgent, and affectionate. On the other hand, fathers are strict decision makers who maintain considerable distance from care giving activities. Mothers massage babies daily, constantly hold them, and carry them on the hip or close to the body. Children often co-sleep with parents for most of their early childhood years (Konantambigi, 1996; Roopnarine, Ahmeduzzaman, Hossain, & Riegraf, 1992). This type of physical closeness is a hallmark of the mother-infant relationship in India. Recent research indicates that while there is still a belief in indulgence among younger Indian parents, it is also believed that children are capable of learning at a young age. Thus, indulgence needs to be tempered by guidance at a young age (Konantambigi, 1996).     

Despite indulgence of the infant, discipline is often strict and children are socialized to obey their parents. Physical punishment is sometimes used to discipline, control, and teach the child appropriate behaviors (Roopnarine et al., 1990; Sharon, 1990).      

The presence of an infant is taken for granted and a new baby is not the center of attention. It is believed that too much attention should not be paid to the child because it would “spoil” the child. While not the center of attention, the child is rarely alone, is raised within an extensive kinship or nonkinship network, and is involved in all social activities (Roopnarine et al. 1990; Roopnarine, Lu, & Ahmeduzzaman, 1989; Seymour, 1976). It is interesting to note that Western culture would describe the child as “spoiled”.        

While the existing  literature often discusses the value of male children compared to female children, Roopnarine and his colleagues (1990) reported no difference in infant-parent interactions based on gender. This was an unexpected finding. The authors state that the results may be because their sample was educated, urban parents in New Delhi. An alternative explanation may also be that differential treatment based on gender may not be apparent until childhood. Finally, just because there were not any differences in interactions, it does not mean that there were no differences in expectations. Indeed, according to Western thought India is still a very gender typed society.

Father Involvement     

In India’s patriarchal society  the father’s role  is “head of the household” and  strict disciplinarian. Compared to fathers, mothers interact more with their children and display more affection toward their children. This is not to say, however, that fathers never display affection. In fact, Indian fathers often display more affection than American fathers when holding their infants. While rough and tumble play is common with American fathers and children, it is rare in India where both fathers and mothers engage the children in more gentle forms of play (Roopnarine et al, 1990). When rough and tumble play is engaged in, it is typically with male children (Sharma, 1990).      

While there is no doubt that Indian mothers are the primary care givers, there is evidence that fathers are more involved in child care than they were in the past. This is especially true in urban areas where mothers are employed outside the home (Sharma, 1990).

Summary        

India is a patriarchal society steeped in a tradition where Indian parents value obedience to authority, passivity, and interdependence in their children in their children. Family unity and loyalty are a strong value in this culture. Young children are often indulged by affectionate mothers and there is a very close mother-child bond. As the child gets older, discipline is introduced. Fathers are viewed as the head of the family and while more involved with their children than in the past, they still  maintain considerable distance from care giving activities. Indian fathers do, however, display affection toward their children.